Guardians of the public interest
Newspaper editors and government have vastly different views of the media's role in a democracy.
THE HIGH-RISK venture of the South
African National Editors' Forum (Sanef) to engage President Thabo Mbeki
and his cabinet in a "heart-to-heart" discussion about their
deteriorating relationships has paid off in part. The editors gained
the impression that the government group went home somewhat reassured
that editors do not wear horns and conscious that some of the blame was
due to its own shortcomings.
Indeed, Mbeki, whose office has been the most persistent critic of the
media, publicly acknowledged at the end of the gathering that his
administration was partly to blame for the sometimes difficult
relationship between journalists and the government. He said, "As
government we have not done what we ought to have done and that is to
communicate clearly. The message came across very strongly that this
has been a very serious failure and I think we need to correct
that."
He added that the conference had alerted him to media issues that he
was probably not sufficiently sensitive to and he alluded to the
ongoing battle between the media and the prosecuting authorities over
the serving of subpoenas on editors and journalists to give evidence in
the Rashaad Staggie murder case. The journalists refuse to testify and
Mbeki indicated that he was now more aware of the reasons for the
media's attitude and that further discussion was required.
The meeting, with Mbeki accompanied by a dozen cabinet ministers and
more than a score of officials, took place on June 29 and 30 at an
extraordinary venue, Sun City, the home of gambling and other pleasures
created by hotelier Sol Kerzner in the days of high apartheid and which
helped to bolster the fortunes of the apartheid "homeland" of
Bophuthatswana. The risk that Sanef took, however, had nothing to do
with the fleshpots of Sun City. Rather it lay in the perception that
the public might gain of its venture. Was the media cosying up to the
government? Was a pact being negotiated between the media and the
government? To counter these impressions, Sanef studiously avoided the
use of the term bosberaad - first bestowed on the policy conclaves of
the former National Party - that the government favoured and opted for
the more neutral indaba (conference). However, the risk that Sanef
would be seen to be trying to negotiate a pact was increased by its
singular failure to implement a decision that it had taken at its
annual general meeting only a week earlier. Then it had resolved to
reject the government's desire to hold the sessions off the record in
favour of open discussion. At Sun City, having declared that it wanted
the meetings to be open, Sanef gave in without a whimper when the
government demanded that, except for an open plenary session, all
discussions be closed.
The government led with an attack, voiced by Deputy President Jacob
Zuma. He outlined government perceptions of media shortcomings - the
use of inexperienced journalists; stories with factual mistakes;
stories which lacked focus, depth and purpose and which were often
poorly researched with little analysis and "balance". This, he said,
gave rise to the view that the industry was not part of President
Mbeki's African Renaissance.
He also questioned the criteria used - and who set them - to determine
what was newsworthy. He asked whether the media should be "mere social
observers" or whether they should "become part and parcel of the
transformation process in the country". Though the media and the
government had to recognise each other's independence, they had to find
a common understanding of objectives, while taking national interest
and priorities into account. He hoped the meeting would "enrich our
understanding of our respective roles and how these can assist with the
development of our country".
His views unwittingly supported Sanef's contention that politicians
and government officials had little in-depth knowledge about the media
and how it functioned and did not understand its role in a democracy.
Sanef gave a long dissertation on the complexities of media operations
and the problems facing its various elements.
But Zuma had touched on the issue that was clearly the core concern of
the cabinet ministers - the "national interest" - which they raised in
the various discussion sessions and which they related to interaction
between the media and the government "in the interests of the country".
Both sides felt that the "national interest" was broadly defined in the
Constitution. The ministers described it as the promotion of a
non-racist, non-sexist society and the journalists predicated it on the
constitutional requirement for freedom of expression and the freedom of
the media.
No one raised the bogey inherent in promoting the "national interest".
In pre-war Germany the "national interest", as declared by the Nazis,
was national socialism; in the half-century preceding the advent of
democracy in South Africa it was apartheid, and in America at one stage
during the cold war it was the communist witch hunt called
McCarthyism.
The fundamental principle underlying the role of the media was never
broached apart from a brief reference to it in the media's initial
presentation - "the public interest". In its intense preoccupation with
the "national interest", the government has revealed its lack of
understanding of the "public interest" principle that drives the media.
To put the difference between the two concepts in its simplest form -
the government might regard new legislation it wanted to introduce as
being in "the national interest" while the media might regard rejection
and vocal opposition to the legislation as being in "the public
interest". Opposition to apartheid in the pre-democracy era was
regarded by the newspapers that were engaged in that activity as being
conducted in "the public interest".
That chasm remains as the media contemplates the many proposals put
forward at the end of the indaba to chart "the way forward". The
Government Communication and Information Service (GCIS) has been quick
to refer - erroneously - to these proposals having been "adopted" at
the conference. Many editors have put forward their criticisms of the
document - criticisms which were being collated at the time that Focus
was going to press - and have still to agree on what they are prepared
to accept as influences on future media conduct.
Raymond Louw is
editor and publisher of
Southern Africa
Report.
